Wicca is a modern pagan religious movement that emerged in the mid-20th century. It is centered around the worship of nature and the belief in a higher power often referred to as the "Goddess" and the "God." Wiccan witches are the practitioners of this religious tradition. Wicca is often referred to as witchcraft, but it is important to note that not all witches are Wiccan. Wiccans follow a specific set of beliefs and practices, whereas witches can encompass a wide range of different spiritual beliefs and practices. Wiccan witches believe in the interconnectedness of all living beings and the divine energy that flows through everything.

Ancient Maya Cities Were Polluted With High Levels of Mercury

Mercury pollution may have posed a health risk to the ancient Maya—and it may continue to threaten archaeologists today, according to a recent paper in Frontiers in Environmental Science.

Alongside a team of researchers from the United States and the United Kingdom, lead author Duncan Cook, a geographer at the Australian Catholic University, analyzed mercury levels from ten Maya dig sites and their surroundings, per Science Alert’s Mike McRae.

“Mercury pollution in the environment is usually found in contemporary urban areas and industrial landscapes,” says Cook in a statement from the research team. “Discovering mercury buried deep in soils and sediments in ancient Maya cities is difficult to explain, until we begin to consider the archaeology of the region which tells us that the Maya were using mercury for centuries.”

Mercury levels under 1 part per million are not considered toxic, and some of the dig sites had levels below this threshold: For example, Actuncan (in Belize) had levels of 0.016 parts per million. But at other sites, mercury concentrations were far higher. In the ancient Maya city of Tikal, in modern-day Guatemala, they reached 17.16 parts per million.

The team concluded that the Maya used cinnabar, a bright red mineral containing mercury, for decorative paints and powders that served ceremonial and religious purposes. The mercury from cinnabar-coated surfaces, like walls and floors, eventually contaminated the local water supply and soil.

In the statement, study co-author and University of Cincinnati geologist Nicholas Dunning says the Maya believed cinnabar contained ch’ulel (“soul force”).

“[T]he brilliant red pigment of cinnabar was an invaluable and sacred substance,” says Dunning, “but unbeknownst to them it was also deadly and its legacy persists in soils and sediments around ancient Maya sites.”

The health effects of chronic mercury poisoning, which may have impacted the ancient Maya, include tremors, weakened vision and hearing, and paralysis, among other symptoms.

Dunning tells Gizmodo’s Isaac Schultz that archaeologists have yet to look for mercury in the skeletal remains of Maya burial sites. Cinnabar powder was often sprinkled all over the remains of royals and elites, and it may have seeped into their bones, which he says would complicate that kind of research.

For future research at Maya dig sites, the study authors recommend taking precautions, such as mitigation techniques and protective gear, to keep archaeologists safe.

“This result is yet more evidence that just like we live today in the ‘Anthropocene,’ there also was a ‘Maya Anthropocene’ or ‘Mayacene,’” says study co-author Timothy Beach, a geographer at the University of Texas, in the statement. “Metal contamination seems to have been [an] effect of human activity through history.”

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Mayan witchcraft

The highland mountain valleys of Guatemala hide the heartland of the pre-Columbian Mayan city known as the Q'umarkaj , which was one of the most important and powerful regions of this civilization at the time. Ancient Mayas were one of the most literate people in the Americas. They preserved their history and culture with a sophisticated hieroglyphic scripture that illustrated their beliefs and practices. The Spanish conquest in the early sixteenth century was a devastating blow to this civilization, as a great number of their texts were burned in an attempt to eradicate and discredit indigenous religious and healing practices. As a result , this civilization suffered a devastating loss of their agency and autonomy. This study will focus on the Mesoamerican women healers in the nearby regions of the highlands of Guatemala. It will illustrate what were some of the most important roles of curanderas , uncovering some of their main contributions to their civilization , while detailing how these Mayan indigenous women healers became known as sorceresses . The main point of this study is to demonstrate how these indigenous women hold the key to their community, and why it is so important to keep their tradition alive and thriving. Because of the horrible inhuman struggles these women endured, not only with the conquistadors demonizing their beliefs and bodies, but also with the effect of a devastating prolonged civil war. The Mayan indigenous healer women and their practices became a political and cultural target that faces feminicide and complete elimination today.

Central America in the Pre-Columbian Era

There is very little information about indigenous Central America in the Pre- Columbian era, especially about women in those early societies. The information that does exist is heavily skewed toward the elite Iberian women that were transported into the settlements to transform native women of this land into "proper women . " The Maya n area was divided into three basic geographic zones: the Pacific coastal plain in the south, the highlands in the center, and the lowlands in the north, occupying southern Mexico and upper Central America. All indigenous societies recognized the bodily contribution of the meaning of life that was gifted through the woman. This is illustrated in the female deities that are associated with fertility, especially the Moon Goddess. Women had a valuable identity in their tribes, and they were self-sufficient and healthy. Yet, gender and social status both played powerful roles in determining the position of women in all pre-Columbian cultures. Sexual division of labor was a hallmark of all Mesoamerican societies. Parallel and complementary roles were the two ideologies that were utilized for gender roles in these civilizations.

As Martha Few describe s in her book, Women Who Live Evil Lives: Gender, religion, and the politics of power in colonial Guatemala , healing women are " Mujeres de Male" or female sorcerers, magical healers, midwives and clandestine religious leaders, they based their authority on their knowledge of the body" (2002). Some women used their bodies as instruments and expression of ritual power, a connection that would thread the healer to nature. Traditional natural medicine was a meaningful description of their reality, as these women healers used natural medicine to take care of the physical and spiritual illnesses. Herbal medicine, which was easily the most available kind of medicine, was and still is, accessible, affordable and widely distributed. Today, as in the past, holistic practices, magic, and prayers are traditions and practices that are passed down by ancestral curanderas / os or through apprenticeships. As Dow (2001) explained, the work of healers is to calm people's anger and to heal psychic distress.

C uranderas and midwives played an important role in the p re- Columbian communities. They were perceived as having the ability to both cure and cause illnesses, which contributed to their power in local community relations. The arrival of the Spaniards in the early sixteenth century resulted in the abrupt disruption of Quiché-Maya rules and their communities. Hernån Cortés, conqueror of the Aztec empire in Mexico, heard reports of rich lands to be had southward in Guatemala. Pedro de Alvarado was dispatched to this region to subdue any resistance, claim, and conquer the area for the Spanish Crown. The Riche capital, Qumarkaj , fell to Alvarado in 1524. The Spaniard " entras " or campaigns were commissioned by the royal crown in order to establish new territories, and search for material goods/wealth. During the early Spanish Colonial period, the population of Guatemala declined by as much as 85% as a result of war, forced labor, and disease ( Sharer, 1994). Christianity was formally established in Guatemala in 1534 under Bishop Francisco Marroquin, who sent out priests with portable altars to the various Indian towns and villages to baptize the Maya and destroy any remnants of “ idolatry" and "paganism , " which might have survived the conquest.

The Demonization of Curanderas

Maya civilization was belittled and almost destroyed . T heir pagan rituals were held up as horrors to justify the conquest and colonization . The Mezoamerican healer women, which had valuable identity in their communities, became demonized. The term " witch " was introduced and utilized to categorize these women and their ancient system of healing. The conquistadors' ideals and their residents turned the notion of these healing practices from something positive to negative. Colonizers viewed sickness and illness equal with sins, a way of divine punishment. Because healers acted as liaisons between the natural and supernatural worlds, indigenous religious traditions held the potential of symbolic and cultural contest action of colonial rulers and the Church. As explained by Opitz (2009), the commonalities or at least similarities between witches and saints was of empirical to what happens next. Curanderas used this authority and power to overtly challenge gender, racial and colonial hierarchies, and intervene in everyday problems . History and inquisition records illustrate evidence regarding social relations of power within communities (Few, 2002). As a result , these women who brought so much value to their community became politically and culturally discriminated against, and faced complete elimination. They were rendered powerless and invisible.

In practices of love magic, the human body, in particular the female body and physical manifestations of female sexuality, became a ritual weapon in women's conflicts with men.

Demonizing these women healers and translating their beliefs as witchcraft, hurt their practices and their art, but not their knowledge of healing powers. Europeans firmly believed that their society represented a higher sophisticated civilization beyond others. In order to be successful, w omen's power within local cultures of healing depended on a good reputation , which suffered after t he introduction of religious institution s and the spread of gossip . Much of the population in Spanish America did not have access to hospitals or licensed doctors and relied instead on local healers to cure illnesses, making the policies and practices of the conqueror far from uniform and fair to the communities th ey enslaved. The result of these acts of contestation targeted women healers. The curanderas became prosecuted for what the church labeled as curses, spells and other magical-religious crimes. Such practices were labeled as pacts with the devil, miraculous healing and religious visions (Few, 2002). The human body became a central component of the symbolic and physical expression of power. Spanish authorities controlled the bodies of colonized people through slavery, religious conversion, forced labor, and the resettlement of subject population into more easily policed nucleated towns. Curanderas had the power to intervene in the community, yet Spanish colonizers had the power to oppress and dominate.

Through the threat and use of magical violence, sorcerers refashioned the body into a site of power in conflict and confrontations in daily life. European traditions characterized these women as ideal satanic accomplices, susceptible to possession by the devil. Few (2005) illustrates that in accounts of women who acted "disorderly , " colonial authorities often included descriptions of women's illicit sexual activity and practices of sexual witchcraft, where women took advantage of their roles in food preparation to assert power over the men in their lives. In practices of love magic, the human body, in particular the female body and physical manifestations of female sexuality, became a ritual weapon in women 's conflicts with men. Since official religious practices highlighted the power of religious relics, it is not surprising that women turned to the use of body parts in ritual claims of power over men.

The new regime transformed social, demographic and economic aspects of the natives ’ lives, which molded their future forever. The conquistadors were not prepared to address racial, social and gender ideologies with the natives, instead they tried to erase their ethnic and cultural pride and suppress their bodies. Soon Spaniards realized that the most enduring elements of the Maya culture were their spoken languages and beliefs, elements that lie at the heart of their society. Protecting their traditions, maintaining both oral and written histories, dance, rituals, and healing practices continued throughout time.

Women Admired in the Pre-Columbian Era Were Now Opressed

The traditional family unit was often destroyed when the conquerors demanded women to be part of the labor force, and exercised their power to take their bodies. Changing the matrix of the native women frequently meant that they were treated as property. Women with high values that were admired in Pre-Colombian times evolved into oppression, slavery , and mass killing. Native women had no rights and were being rented out based on their looks. The most desirable looked more like a Spaniard woman, and indigenous women were seen as less desirable. Women were forced into labor, dehumanizing the standard of human beings. Neglect of the indigenous family, especially children, was the inevitable consequence of broken homes.

Reproduction between the different ethnic classes created a new ranking of races: Latino/a, Mestizo, and Afro-Latino. The forced reproduction between conquerors and native women translated into normality, and the children that were born out of their union became known as bastards. A growing population of multi-ethnic urban races were produced. Slowly, the native people and healers w ere removed from their land and placed strategically in areas that were easier to control. These geographical changes were purposely constructed to show the different racial and social classes structure d by the colonizers. These changes were important to the fabric of the curander a role in the community because they created a bigger necessity for healers to supplement the needs of these communities. Yet, the reputations that proceed the " curandera " w ere taboo.
​
Now, nearly 500 years have passed since the catastrophic conquest took place in Central America. Even though Guatemala became its own country on September 15, 1821, the population is still segregated and rural and indigenous parts of the country have limited access to government health services. The geographical isolation especially affects the rural areas, hospitals, health post and centers are hard to reach. Huber (2001) argues that in some villages over 95% of the population consult curanderos/as in case of illness or midwives in case of childcare. Currently, Guatemala n midwives must have a license to practice legally, yet most midwives that enrolled in the municipal program were already practicing. One of the reason s why the government got involved in assisting this program stems from the pressure that a midwife would get subjected to in case a mishap. In the case of charges of gossip and witchcraft are submitted to the healers/midwifes, illustrating the wrong that were put among these women by the Spanish colonizers.

Conclusion
The ancient Maya civilization was a thriving community that was conquered by the Spaniards. They ruptured their society and violated their culture and beliefs. Curanderas and women in general became political and cultural targets. Conquistadors also created gender division and social separation, especially by fracturing families. There are many reasons as to why is it important to maintain the healers and their practices, but the most tangible one is that these practices hold an ancient understanding of nature that has not been properly studied, accepted, or understood in modern day society. Today midwives are one of the most important types of healers and specialists in rural areas of Central America., but there is still a long road to rebuilding the agency and autonomy of their practices .

Wiccan witches believe in the interconnectedness of all living beings and the divine energy that flows through everything. They see the natural world as sacred and often perform rituals and ceremonies in nature to connect with the divine. Wiccan witchcraft is a nature-based spiritual practice that incorporates elements of magic and spellcasting.

Works cited

Christenson, A. J. (2007). Popol Vuh : The Sacred Book of the Maya. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

Dow, W.J, & Sandstrom , A. R. (2001). Central and North Mexican Shamans. In Mesoamerican Healers. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.

Favazza Titus, S. (2014). Seeking and Utilizing a Curandero in the United States. Journal of Holistic Nursing, 32 (3), 189-201.
Few, M. (2002). Women Who Live Evil Lives: Gender, Religion, and the Politics of Power in Colonial Guatemala. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Few, M. (2005). Chocolate, Sex, and Disorderly Women in Late Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Century Guatemala. Ethnohistory, 52(4), 673-687.

HANDY, J. (2004). Chicken thieves, Witches, and Judges: Vigilante Justice and Customary law in Guatemala. Journal of Latin American Studies, 36(3), 533-561.

Huber, B. R. , & Sandstrom , A. R. (2001). Maya Midwives of Southern Mexico and Guatemala. In Mesoamerican Healers. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.

Relations between Government Health Workers and Traditional Midwives in Guatemala. (2010 ) , 211.

Opitz, C. (2009). Witchcraft Studies from the Perspective of Women 's and Gender History: A report on recent research. Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft, 4(1), 90-99.

Sharer, R. , & Morley, S. (1994). The Ancient Maya. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press.

Mayan witchcraft

Photo by Juan Bautista Xol, used with permission.

This article was originally published by Elías Oxom in Prensa Comunitaria, then edited and republished by Global Voices under a media partnership.

Adela Choc Cuz, a member of the Q’eqchi’ Maya Ancestral Council of the El Estor municipality in eastern Guatemala, and her daughter Sandra Tec Choc, were released in the morning of May 17, after a group of people held them hostage, accusing them of witchcraft and of inflicting a critical health condition on a woman from the community.

According to Choc Cuz, they were detained in the house for more than 18 hours, without being allowed to consume food or water, in addition to being beaten by members of the family. They took away her clothes, furniture, and kitchen utensils; she had a mill to make nixtamal (tortilla dough from corn flour), a refrigerator, a sewing machine and three bicycles.

Choc Cuz is considered a spiritual guide in her community and she is also part of the anti-mining resistance in El Estor. She was accused of witchcraft by Mario Caal Pec, brother of Selvin Pec, who is the owner of the Evangelical radio station La Voz de Chichipate (The Voice of Chichipate). Guatemalan President Alejandro Giammattei maintains a close relationship with the country's conservative Evangelical churches, especially on issues that polarize Guatemala, such as laws on women's reproductive health.

In Guatemala, the vast majority of people identify themselves as Christians: according to a 2015 census , 45 percent of Guatemalans say they are Catholic and 42 percent say they are Evangelical. Protestant religions are taking root more and more in Guatemala.

Many Indigenous people practice Catholicism or Evangelism, sometimes merging Christianity with Mayan beliefs in syncretism . According to reports and censuses , the indigenous people — which include 24 ethnic groups — make up between 45 percent and 60 percent of the population in Guatemala. The International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) states that “the inequality between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous population in terms of employment, income, health, and education is well-known. Statistics demonstrate persistent practices of racism and discrimination against Indigenous peoples.”

Choc Cuz stated: “They accused me of being a witch, but I'm a spiritual guide. I demand justice from the authorities. Mr. Simón Tun Sacul attacked me, threatened to behead me, indicating that he was a Kaibil [an elite unit of the army], and threw me to the ground. I committed no crime. I have seven children. They are all good people. The attackers doused me with gasoline all over my body. I blame COCODE [the community council], which endorsed all this.”

Humberto Cuc, a member of the Q'eqchi’ Maya Ancestral Council, condemned these events and said that Choc Cuz is a spiritual guide and part of the Ancestral Council: “We have performed Mayan ceremonies with her, what happened to her is painful. Many times people are wrong. They think that by engaging in our cultural practices we are doing witchcraft. But we respect Evangelical religions. If they see us using candles when planting, they accuse us of witchcraft.”

He also mentioned that for a long time the ancestral councils had been the guardians of the hills and the rivers, although they are no longer seen that way by the society. “They hate her for being part of the anti-mining resistance, the hatred towards her began when she started revealing and denouncing everything about the mining activities in October,” said Humberto Cuc.

The municipality of El Estor is experiencing tensions due to the resistance of the residents to a nickel mining company of the Guatemalan Nickel Company (CGN), a subsidiary of the Swiss group Solway Investment. According to the residents, who are mostly Mayan Q'eqchi’, the Fénix mine is contaminating Lake Izabal and reducing the fish population. At the end of 2021, after years of struggle that culminated with protests, the inhabitants lived under a state of siege by the government of Guatemala and were watched by armed soldiers.

The spiritual guide was released at three in the morning as people left the scene, except the 15 members of COCODE who had held her in the house.

After Choc Cuz and her daughter were released with the support of representatives of the Human Rights Ombudsman's Office and the National Civil Police, Choc Cuz told Prensa Comunitaria: “I have been harassed by the COCODE [Community Council of Development] led by José Ich. They came to set my house on fire with gasoline and arrest me. I have stayed on the street. They burned all the things I had. They burned the deed of my land and five thousand quetzales in cash.”

When she was released, she had bruises on her forehead. Those who attacked her prohibited her from returning to the community and said that they would hold an assembly on May 18 to propose that she be expelled from the place. The spiritual guide filed a complaint with the Public Ministry.

Photo by Juan Bautista Xol, used with permission.

Lawyer Juan Castro, from the Law Firm for Indigenous Peoples, commented that in most cases the State leaves serious violations like these unpunished. He also mentioned that the crime of witchcraft does not exist.

German Choc, from the Collective of Spiritual Guides “Oxlaju Q'anil,” explained that the role of a spiritual guide in society is to help people, promote Mayan cultural practices, help solve problems, and they are also contadores del tiempo [time keepers].

German Choc stated: “I demand that the State takes action to eliminate these cases. I also demand that the leaders of the churches and sects stop criminalizing spiritual guides and that they promote peaceful coexistence, that they let Indigenous people carry out their cultural and spiritual practices as established by the Political Constitution of the Republic of Guatemala in its article 66, where the State recognizes, respects and promotes the Indigenous ways of life, customs, traditions, forms of social organization, the use of the attire, languages, and dialect of the different peoples of Guatemala.”

Wiccans believe in the power of intention and the use of energy to manifest desired outcomes. They often use rituals, spells, and charms to harness this energy and direct it towards their goals. The practice of Wicca is deeply personal and individualistic. Wiccans have the freedom to interpret and practice their beliefs in a way that aligns with their own unique spiritual journey. There is no central authority or dogma in Wicca, allowing for a high degree of flexibility and personal exploration. Wiccan witches celebrate the cycles of nature and the changing of the seasons through a series of festivals known as Sabbats. These celebrations are often marked by rituals, feasts, and gatherings of like-minded individuals. In addition to their spiritual beliefs and practices, Wiccans also adhere to a moral code known as the Wiccan Rede, which states, "An it harm none, do what ye will." This guideline emphasizes the importance of ethical behavior and the avoidance of harm to oneself and others. Overall, Wiccan witches are individuals who follow the religious tradition of Wicca. They believe in the worship of nature, the power of intention, and the celebration of the cycles of life. Wicca is a deeply personal and flexible spiritual path that allows individuals to connect with their own spirituality in a meaningful way..

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