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Possessed: The Salem witch trials
For some individuals, black magic audio may be used as a means of gaining knowledge or understanding about the practice of black magic. It may serve as a resource to explore different rituals, traditions, and beliefs associated with black magic. However, it is essential to note that the use of black magic and any related audio content can be considered controversial and may raise ethical concerns.
On the 330th anniversary of the Salem witch trials, historian Kathleen M. Brown discusses the stories, theories, and contemporary parallels to one of America’s stranger chapters in history.
In many ways, the witch hunt fit in with New England folk beliefs and theology, says Kathleen M. Brown. The idea that the devil had a hand in human affairs and “could seduce you away from God” was a very normative belief, she says.
“It begins in the house of a minister,” says Kathleen M. Brown, the David Boies Professor of History. Samuel Parris’ 9-year-old daughter, Betty, begins to exhibit strange symptoms. The doctor watched her violent fits and suggested supernatural causes. Stranger still, the illness seemed to be contagious. Parris’ 11-year-old niece, Abigail Williams, was beset by fits, followed by two others: 12-year-old Ann Putnam and 17-year-old Elizabeth Hubbard. By March 1, 1692, three women were accused of witchcraft: Sarah Good, Sarah Osborne, and Tituba, an Indigenous woman from Barbados, who was enslaved by Parris. Thus began the Salem witch hunt, one of the stranger episodes in American history. By its close, 10 girls and young women claimed to be afflicted by witchcraft, resulting in the deaths of 20 people, one of whom was accidentally killed during torture.
One of the reasons that the Salem witch trials are “still very fascinating to people in the present day,” says Brown, is that 17th-century Puritan New England was a highly codified patriarchal society. “This is not a society that ordinarily provides girls and young women with speaking roles.”
The young women seem to “be on the same page for reasons that nobody really understands, even to this day,” Brown says. The young women may have dabbled in fortune telling to ease their anxieties about their marriage prospects, which determined their futures along with their financial stability. Several of the women were servants and nieces, who may have experienced heightened anxiety about dim marital prospects due to lack of money and family connections. Many of them were orphaned during skirmishes with Native Americans on Massachusetts’ northern frontier and were not only displaced but had recently experienced bloodshed, loss, and trauma, Brown says.
Violence occurring on the northern border created a sense that the colonists were losing control, Brown says. People were dying. The Puritan leadership was unable to “keep residents of the larger settler community safe from Native Americans,” who the Puritans often associated with the devil, Brown says. The leaders of the colony, all Anglo-Saxon men used to being in power, used to protecting their families, and charged with a sense of religious purpose, were feeling “that they’re impotent in the face of this challenge from Native Americans, who may be working through the power of the devil to afflict the larger colony,” Brown says.
The year 1692 was one of general unrest. “Just to make it even more complicated, part of the political conflict that’s occurring on the brink of the Salem outbreak involves a loss of autonomy in the Massachusetts Bay Colony,” says Brown. In 1689, the British crown inserts its own appointee as colonial governor, and the colony ejects the appointee on the grounds that he doesn’t represent their Puritan leadership.
Meanwhile, traditional Puritan leadership, along with the population of Puritans, “has been shrinking,” Brown says. By the “1690s, New England is a much less Puritan place than 1630s.”
While lots of explanations exist as to why something happens in 1692, “it seems that no explanation really gets at all the factors,” Brown says. “Why are young girls and young women feeling that they’re possessed by the devil and are cursed and tormented by older women and men in the community?”
The afflicted girls begin by accusing people with marginal social status, most notably Tituba, who confessed under torture. They strike out at women that represent failure in the eyes of the community, Brown says, including Sarah Good, who was reliant on charity after her father, a prosperous tavern owner, committed suicide, leaving no will.
The Puritan leadership supported the afflicted girls in these accusations. “This outbreak resulted in the executions of accused witches because local magistrates and clergymen pour gasoline on the fire,” Brown says. “The elite leadership of very learned clergymen and local magistrates of the courts were definitely on board with this.” Otherwise, the accusations would have remained just that—accusations, with local people “baking witch cakes and putting little locks of hair inside a frying pan of urine to see if somebody really was a witch or not,” Brown says. “But you wouldn’t have had people tried; you wouldn’t have the gathering of testimony; you wouldn’t have all the documentation, if all of the legal apparatus and the expertise of clergymen hadn't been brought to bear.”
As the afflicted girls grew in confidence, their accusations became more ambitious, and they targeted prosperous and established members of the community. “At the very end of the accusations, when Governor Phips of Massachusetts calls a halt to the whole thing, it’s because they’ve accused the governor’s wife,” Brown says. “They do overreach themselves.”
By October of 1692, several authorities also begin to question the veracity of spectral evidence, which had been central to witchcraft trials. “If somebody says in court, ‘I saw John Proctor and he was flying through the sky, and he flew to so-and-so’s window at night,’ this would be entered into the courtroom as spectral evidence that John Proctor is in league with the devil and is a witch,” Brown says. Questioners began to wonder, “if the devil can make somebody fly, could the devil make you think that you saw them flying?” she says.
The last of the Salem witch trials was held in May of 1693. In total, between 144 and 185 people were accused of witchcraft. Fifty-four confessed—"if you confessed, you could save your life,” Brown says. Nineteen people were executed, 14 women and five men. An 81-year-old man was accidentally killed, pressed to death by stones during torture. All the accused were pardoned by the end of 1693.
In many ways, the witch hunt fit in with New England folk beliefs and theology, says Brown. Puritans, along with many other Protestants, were strong believers in Providence, “the working out of God’s will on Earth,” she says. Providence was also the purpose behind “a test or an ordeal that it suited God to set before an entire population of people to test their spiritual mettle.”
In the 1690s, there was a general sense within the Puritan community that they were slipping away from their values, Brown says, just a razor’s edge from straying. Meanwhile, the devil lurked.
She says that the idea that the devil had a hand in human affairs and could “insinuate himself into your heart and your thinking and try to seduce you away from God,” was a very normative belief. “You can never be so certain that you’re on the right side of things” in Puritan culture, Brown says. There was a sense that it “would be very easy to slip into some kind of really harmful—in the sense of your own soul and in the sense of your larger community—relationship with Satan.” Idle hands do the devil’s work, as the saying goes.
While the Salem witch hunt happened under particular conditions at a particular time, there have been other parallels in American history. “Famously, Arthur Miller made the analogy to the McCarthy hearings,” with ‘The Crucible,’ a play based on the Salem witch trials, says Brown. “The one part of that book I think is still very powerful in the present day is the notion of the fear of something that’s beyond your knowledge and ability to control and the sense that the threat or danger is multiplying. And there’s nothing you can do about it.”
During the Red Scare, America had the notion that every secret communist was engaged in the “robust production and recruitment of new communists, that it was happening everywhere, and that, unless there was some kind of really bold intervention, the numbers of communists would grow exponentially, and the whole country would come crashing down,” Brown says. While communism and witchcraft are not similar, the mechanism whereby the accused are encouraged to accuse others in a court of law without solid evidence fuels a similar snowballing effect, she says.
“I want to be careful about drawing too-easy parallels to the present day,” Brown says, but for her a more contemporary reference was the QAnon conspiracy and the false accusations directed at Hillary Rodham Clinton and her inner circle. Brown says, “there’s no way to corroborate it, and there’s no way to completely debunk it in the minds of the accusers.”
In the end, she says, it all comes down to a question of belief.
Credits
- Kristina García Writer
The first three women abigail and betty accused of witchcraft were
In late February of 1692, Reverend Samuel Parris called in a doctor to examine his nine-year-old daughter, Betty, and eleven-year-old niece, Abigail Williams-both of whom were suffering from spontaneous fits. The children were soon diagnosed as victims of witchcraft, setting off an outbreak of panic and hysteria, which would sweep throughout Salem Village and its neighboring towns that year. Historians have long pointed the collective finger of blame at the Parris's slave, Tituba, one of the three women first accused of witchcraft, and the only member of this unfortunate trio to survive the year.
Many interpretations of the Salem Trials acknowledge the pivotal role Tituba's confession played in legitimizing the early suspicions and subsequent investigations of witchcraft, seizing on the vivid descriptions of the devil and his minions that she provided to the examining justices. A number of sources also assert that Tituba also introduced supernatural ideas to the "afflicted girls." These scholars claim Reverend Parris had purchased her in Barbados, unaware of the voodoo and witchcraft practices she would eventually undertake under the roof of the Salem parsonage.
However, the mantle of guilt so eagerly thrust upon Tituba may not be rightfully hers (and at the very least, not hers alone). Later investigations have only raised more questions about the very little verifiable information available on her. Most of the perceptions and understandings of Tituba, today commonly accepted as fact, are actually based on local tradition and fictional literature rather than actual court documents or eye-witness accounts. Admittedly, the legend of Tituba as the "Black Witch of Salem" (a posthumous appellation which immediately suggests interesting racial and class connotations) may be more mysterious and entertaining than the accurate historical extent of her influence on the Salem trials; nevertheless, the ways in which this myth has been constructed are fascinating as well.
In all of the court documents relating to the Witchcraft Trials, Tituba's identity is listed as that of an "Indian Woman, servant" (for example, Warrant vs. Tituba and Sarah Osborne -SWP 745). But as scholars have recently pointed out, somewhere in the development of the Salem lore, Tituba's racial heritage has been transformed and confused-thus she appears in texts variously as "Negro," "half-breed," "colored," or "half-Indian, half-Negro." Assumptions about her origins range from the island of Barbados to Africa to Native American. This confusion necessarily complicates any understanding of the consequential and critical part traditionally assigned to Tituba; we must consider how racial stereotypes and presumptions have contributed to the varying amounts of blame she is forced to bear.
Truthfully, Tituba's story may never be clearly sorted out. Her status as a slave constrains any attempts to uncover official records and papers relating to her. The little glimpse of her life that is available is provided only by the court transcripts themselves. Though Tituba's words may resonate to us through the court records, she cannot tell her version of the events leading up to the Trials, she cannot share her own history and memory of Salem and life before it. In addition to Tituba's own recorded words, we can obtain some information based on what her contemporaries said of her. Beyond these strict limitations however, we can realistically draw no further conclusions as to her racial identity, affinity for witchcraft and stories of the occult, nor motivations for confessing to the accusations.
What we do know is from the historical documents is that Tituba was in fact a slave in the Parris home at the time of Betty and Abigail's initial sufferings. Tradition holds that she was married to another slave, John Indian, and the couple was purchased by Reverend Parris during time he spent in Barbados. Tradition, however, does not a history make. Tituba and John Indian did reside with the Parrises; Samuel Parris had a plantation in Barbados, and he owned two slaves after he returned to Boston, and she could have come from Barbados. However, the story that Tituba struck the "fatal spark" and ignited simmering tensions in Salem Village by enthralling the local teenage girls with her stories of African or Caribbean voodoo and magic spells must be recognized for what it is --a story. It was not her "voodoo spells and stories" which, in fact, caused the girls' initial hysterics but their practice of forbidden fortune telling.
Nowhere in the court records or contemporary accounts is Tituba said to have taught the practice of fortune telling to the girls in Rev Parris' house. The fortune telling technique that the girls' used, as reported by one of them to the Rev. John Hale, was an egg white in a glass of water. This was a commonly known device in New England at the time, and it was condemned by the Puritans as a demonic practice. According to the Rev. Hale, one of the girls saw a "specter in the likeness of a coffin" in the glass, and she and another girl fell into fits. Tituba did not confess to the teaching of fortune telling; she confessed to signing the Devil's book, flying in the air upon a pole, seeing a cats wolves, birds, and dogs, and pinching or choking some of the "afflicted" girls. She also said she was beaten by her owner, Rev. Parris, and was told to confess to witchcraft, which she did -- and what she confessed to was all culturally European, not African or Caribbean.
Bibliography
Bernard Rosenthal, Salem Story, 1997.
"Tituba's Story," New england Quarterly, Vol. 71, No. 2 (1998).
Abigail Williams: The Mysterious Afflicted Girl
Abigail Williams was one of the first afflicted girls in the Salem Witch Trials.
Despite the fact that she was one of the main accusers during the Salem Witch Trials, not much is known about Abigail Williams before or even after the trials ended.
What historians do know is that Abigail Williams was born on July 12, 1680. At the time of the Salem Witch Trials, Abigail was living with her uncle, Reverend Samuel Parris, his daughter Betty Parris and Parris’ slaves Tituba and John Indian. It is not known why Abigail was living with the Parris family but many historians assume her parents had died.
William’s troubles began in the winter of 1691/2, when some of the afflicted girls were reportedly experimenting with fortune-telling techniques, specifically a technique known as the “venus-glass” during which the girls dropped egg whites into a glass of water and interpreted whatever shapes or symbols appeared in an attempt to learn more about their future husbands.
According to the book A Modest Enquiry Into the Nature of Witchcraft by local minister, Reverend John Hale, on one of these occasions the girls became terrified when they saw the shape of a coffin in the glass.
Shortly after the incident, in January of 1692, Betty Parris and Abigail Williams began behaving strangely, having fits, screaming out in pain and complaining that invisible spirits were pinching them. Ann Putnam, Jr., and the other afflicted girls soon started experiencing the same symptoms.
Tituba and the Children, Illustration by Alfred Fredericks published in A Popular History of the United States, circa 1878
At the end of February, Reverend Samuel Parris called for a doctor, who is believed to be Doctor William Griggs, but he couldn’t find anything wrong with the girls and determined they must be bewitched, according to Samuel Page Fowler in his book Account of the Life and Character of Rev. Samuel Parris of Salem Village:
“Mr. Parris appears to have been much astonished, when the physicians informed him, that his daughter and niece were, no doubt, under an evil hand. There is evidence that Mr. Parris endeavored to keep the opinion of the physicians a secret, at least, till he could determine what course to pursue. At this time, Mary Sibley, a member of his church, gave directions to John Indian how to find out, who bewitched Betsy Parris and Nabby Williams. This was done without the knowledge of Parris. The means used to make the discovery, was to make a cake of rye meal, with the urine of the children, and bake it in the ashes, and give it to a dog to eat. Similar disgusting practices appear to have been used to discover and kill witches, during the whole period of the delusion.”
Just a few days after the witch cake incident, the afflicted girls named three women they believed were bewitching them: Tituba, Sarah Good and Sarah Osbourne.
The women were arrested and examined on March 1, 1692. During Tituba’s examination she confessed that she was a witch and warned the court that there were other witches in Salem. This confession confirmed the colonist’s greatest fears that the Devil had invaded the colony and sparked a mass hysteria and a massive witch hunt in Salem.
After news of the witch hunt spread throughout the colony, Reverend Deodat Lawson, the previous Salem minister, returned to Salem in mid-March to find out more about the suspicious activities in the village.
Lawson witnessed and published a firsthand account of one of Abigail Williams’ fits in his book A Brief and True Narrative of Some Remarkable Passages Relating to Sundry Persons Afflicted by Witchcraft, at Salem Village:
“On the nineteenth day of March last I went to Salem Village, and lodged at Nathaniel Ingersoll’s near to the Minister Mr. P’s House [Reverend Samuel Parris]…In the beginning of the evening I went to give Mr. P. a visit. When I was there, his kinswoman, Abigail Williams, (about 12 years of age), had a grievous fit; she was at first hurried with violence to and fro in the room (though Mrs. Ingersol endeavored to hold her) sometimes making as if she would fly, stretching up her arms as high as she could, and crying, whish, whish, whish, several times; presently after she said, there was Goodw. N. and said, Do you not see her? Why there she stands! And said, Goodw. N. offered her the book, but she was resolved she would not take it, saying often, I wont, I wont, I wont take it, I do not know what book it is; I am sure it is none of God’s book; it is the Devil’s book for ought I know. After that, she ran to the fire, and began to throw fire-brands about the house, and run against the back, as if she would run up chimney, and, as they said, she had attempted to go into the fire in other fits.”
The following day, Sunday, March 20, Abigail Williams disrupted services in the Salem Village meetinghouse several times due to the presence of accused witch Martha Corey. Corey had been accused of witchcraft the previous week and a warrant had been issued for her arrest on Saturday, March 19.
Since there wasn’t enough time in the day to arrest Corey and warrants weren’t served on Sundays, Corey was free until Monday and decided to attend services, which upset the afflicted girls, according to Rev. Deodat Lawson:
“On Lords day, the Twentieth of March, there were sundry of the afflicted persons at meeting, as Mrs. Pope, and Goodwife Bibber, Abigail Williams, Mary Walcut [sic], Mary Lewes [sic], and Doctor Grigg’s maid. There was also at meeting, Goodwife C. [Corey] (who was afterward examined on suspicion of being a witch.) They had several sore fits in the time of public worship, which did something interrupt me in my first prayer, being so unusual. After psalm was sung, Abigail Williams said to me, Now stand up, and name your text! And after it was read, she said, It is a long text…And in the afternoon, Abigail Williams, upon my referring to my doctrine, said to me, I know no doctrine you had, If you did name one, I have forgot it. In sermon time, when Goodwife C. was present in the meeting-house, Ab. W. [Abigail Williams] called out, Look where Goodwife C. sits on the beam suckling her yellow bird betwixt her fingers! Ann Putnam, another afflicted girl, said, There was a yellow bird sat on my hat as it hang on the pin in the pulpit; but those that were by, restrained her from speaking aloud about it.”
Also according to Lawson’s account, On March 31, the colonists held a public fast due to the suspicious activities in the village, during which Abigail Williams claimed she saw witches having a sacrament that day at a house in the village. Abigail said she saw the witches eating and drinking flesh and blood, which appeared as red bread and a red drink.
This claim came up again during Elizabeth Proctor and Sarah Cloyces’s examination on April 11, 1692, when Judge Danforth asked Abigail Williams about it, according to court records:
Q. Abigail Williams! did you see a company at Mr. Parris’s house eat and drink?
A. Yes Sir, that was their sacrament.
Q. How many were there?
A. About forty, and Goody Cloyse and Goody Good were their deacons.
Q. What was it?
A. They said it was our blood, and they had it twice that day.
It was during this examination that Abigail Williams and the other afflicted girls turned on John Proctor and accused him of witchcraft as well.
It is not known why exactly the girls accused John Proctor but it is suspected that it was because Proctor was an outspoken critic of the girls, often calling them liars, and reportedly stated they should be whipped for lying.
In Arthur Miller’s 1953 play, The Crucible, in which Abigail Williams makes an appearance as a major character, Williams is portrayed as having an affair with John Proctor and accuses Elizabeth Proctor of witchcraft so she can marry John herself after Elizabeth is executed.
It is unlikely that this actually happened due to the age difference between the eleven-year-old Abigail Williams and the 60-year-old John Proctor at the time. There is also no proof that Williams and Proctor even knew each other before the witch trails began.
Yet, Miller wrote in an essay for the New Yorker in 1996 that he was convinced John Proctor had a relationship with Williams. He explained that he based the entire play on this idea after he read about how Williams tried to strike Elizabeth Proctor during her examination but instead brought her hand down gently and softly touched Elizabeth before screaming out that her fingers burned:
“In this remarkably observed gesture of a troubled young girl, I believed, a play became possible. Elizabeth Proctor had been the orphaned Abigail’s mistress, and they had lived together in the same small house until Elizabeth fired the girl. By this time, I was sure, John Proctor had bedded Abigail, who had to be dismissed most likely to appease Elizabeth. There was bad blood between the two women now. That Abigail started, in effect, to condemn Elizabeth to death with her touch, then stopped her hand, then went through with it, was quite suddenly the human center of all this turmoil.”
The Proctors weren’t the only people Abigail Williams accused of witchcraft. As one of the main accusers during the Salem Witch Trials, Williams accused about 57 people of witchcraft, according to court records:
Arthur Abbott
John Alden, Jr
Daniel Andrews
Sarah Bassett
Bridget Bishop
Edward Bishop
Sarah Bishop
Mary Black
George Burroughs
Sarah Buckley
Martha Corey
Giles Corey
Elizabeth Colson
Sarah Cloyce
Martha Carrier
Bethia Carter Jr
Lydia Dustin
Mary Easty
Martha Emerson
Phillip English
Mary English
Thomas Farrer
John Flood
Elizabeth Fosdick
Sarah Good
Elizabeth Hart
Dorcas Hoar
Abigail Hobbs
William Hobbs
Deliverance Hobbs
Elizabeth Howe
Rebecca Jacobs
George Jacobs, Jr
George Jacobs, Sr
Susannah Martin
Sarah Morey
Rebecca Nurse
Sarah Osbourne
Alice Parker
Sarah Pease
Sarah Proctor
Benjamin Proctor
William Proctor
John Proctor
Elizabeth Proctor
Ann Pudeator
Susannah Roots
Mary De Rich
Wilmot Redd
Sarah Rice
Tituba
Mary Toothaker
Roger Toothaker
Mary Warren
John Willard
Sarah Wildes
Mary Witheridge
Even though Abigail Williams accused many victims at the beginning of the trials, especially in March, April, and May, she only testified against eight of them: Mary Easty, George Jacobs Sr, Susannah Martin, Rebecca Nurse, John Proctor, Elizabeth Proctor, Mary Witheridge and John Willard and gave her last testimony on June 3, 1692.
Abigail Williams’ testimony against George Jacobs, Jr, circa May 1692
After that date, Williams disappears from the court hearings, for reasons unknown. It is possible her uncle, Reverend Samuel Parris, sent her away to prevent her from further participating in the witch trials, just like he sent his daughter away, but there is no evidence of this.
Of the people Williams accused and/or testified against, 15 were executed, one was tortured to death and the others either died in jail, were pardoned, were found not guilty, escaped jail or evaded arrest all together.
After the witch trials ended, several members of Reverend Samuel Parris’ congregation fought for years to have Parris dismissed from the church due to his role in the Salem Witch Trials. His dissenters submitted a list of problems they had with Parris, which included a number of issues that were directly related to Williams and the afflicted girls.
These problems involved the dissenter’s inability to attend church during the witch trials because of “the distracting and disturbing tumults and noises, made by persons under diabolical power and delusions, preventing sometimes our hearing, understanding, and profiting by the words preached” and also Parris’ “easy and strong faith and belief of the affirmations and accusations made by those they called afflicted.”
In November of 1694, Parris responded to these claims by writing an essay, titled Meditations for Peace, in which he stated that God tried to teach him a lesson by allowing the witch hunt to begin in his family.
The essay also states that the fact that some people in his household were accusers (Abigail Williams and Betty Parris) and the accused (Tituba) in the Salem Witch Trials was also a personal reprimand from God.
The essay also excused Betty Parris and Abigail Williams’ behavior during the trials by stating that the Devil sometimes not only afflicts people in the shape of innocent people but also deludes “the senses of the afflicted that they strongly conceive their hurt is from such persons, when indeed it it not.”
As for himself, Parris acknowledged that using “one afflicted to inquire by who afflicts the others, I fear may be and has been unlawfully used, to Satan’s great advantage.”
These acknowledgments did nothing to help Parris or his cause. In 1697, Parris’ dissenters won and Parris was dismissed from his job as minister of the church. He left Salem Village shortly after, taking Betty Parris and, most likely, Abigail Williams with him.
Neither Abigail Williams or Betty Parris ever apologized for their roles in the Salem Witch Trials. Ann Putnam, Jr., was the only afflicted girl who did when she submitted a written apology to the church in Salem Village in 1706.
Although Betty Parris later married and raised a family in Sudbury, Mass, there are no records indicating what happened to Abigail Williams after the Salem Witch Trials ended.
“Abigail Williams, haunted to the end, apparently died before the end of 1697 if not sooner, no older than seventeen.”
Yet, there is no proof of this though and this particular claim seems to be a vague reference to an anonymous afflicted girl mentioned in Reverend John Hale’s book A Modest Inquiry Into the Nature of Witchcraft.
In Hale’s book, published in 1697, he mentions an anonymous afflicted girl who suffered from “diabolical manifestation” until her death and died a single woman. Since only three of the girls, Abigail Williams, Elizabeth Hubbard and Mary Warren, are unaccounted for in the records at the time, it is possible Hale was referring to Williams.
The location of Abigail Williams’ grave is unknown.
The site of the Salem Village Parsonage, where Abigail Williams lived at the time of the Salem Witch Trials, was excavated in 1970 and is open to visitors.
The belief in black magic is often associated with superstition and may involve harmful or unethical actions towards others. It is essential to approach the topic of black magic and any associated audio content with caution and critical thinking. It is crucial to respect the beliefs and practices of others, as well as to adhere to ethical considerations when engaging with audio content related to black magic..
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