"Federici: Caliban and the Witch" "Caliban and the Witch" by Silvia Federici is a groundbreaking book that examines the history of the witch hunts in Europe and their connection to the rise of capitalism. The book delves into the experiences of women during this period and argues that the witch hunts were a form of gender-based violence used to control and oppress women. One of the main ideas in "Caliban and the Witch" is the connection between the witch hunts and the emergence of capitalism. Federici argues that capitalism, as a system based on the exploitation of labor, required the subordination and control of women. The witch hunts can be seen as a way to enforce patriarchal control and eliminate women who posed a threat to the emerging capitalist order. Another key theme in the book is the role of women in the struggle against capitalism.
Literary Nonfiction. CALIBAN AND THE WITCH is a history of the body in the transition to capitalism. Moving from the peasant revolts of the late Middle Ages to the witch-hunts and the rise of mechanical philosophy, Federici investigates the capitalist rationalization of social reproduction. She shows how the battle against the rebel body and the conflict between body and mind are essential conditions for the development of labor power and self-ownership, two central principles of modern social organization.
Foucault argued that, on the contrary, this period was characterized too by a flowering of discourse; the modern era was not so much concerned with silencing sexuality as making it speak in new ways in the service of now ways of exercising and diffusing power relations. Moving from the peasant revolts of the late Middle Ages to the witch-hunts and the rise of mechanical philosophy, Federici investigates the capitalist rationalization of social reproduction.
Another key theme in the book is the role of women in the struggle against capitalism. Federici highlights the resistance and resilience of women during this period, emphasizing their role in challenging the existing social and economic order. She argues that women were not passive victims but active participants in the struggles for survival and liberation.
Silvia Federici, Caliban and the Witch
In Caliban and the Witch , Silvia Federici tells the sweeping story of how the proletariat came to exist as an exploited and exploitable class. For Federici, the central figure in the transition from feudalism to capitalism is women’s bodies. Women, she argues, were subjugated in order to reproduce a workforce that could be treated like machines. A similar process occurred with divisions along racial lines, for Federici argues that “capitalism, as a social-economic system, is necessarily committed to racism and sexism.” (17) In other words, capitalism rose by dividing those at the bottom along lines of gender and race.
Federici begins with a discussion of medieval protests against feudalism and the rise of popular heresy. Both, Federici argues, divided society along class lines, because both were expressions of peasant and urban labor unrest at the social hierarchy, which was thrown into stark relief when the Black Death created a massive labor shortage. But the counter-revolution exploited divisions within workers by focusing antagonism on women rather than class. Rape was decriminalized and municipal brothels were opened, while the centralizing state exerted greater power over the bodies of women.
This was only the first step toward dividing workers against each other, Federici argues. The process continued with new hierarchies built upon gender, race, and age. Capitalism, then, “planted into the body of the proletariat deep divisions that have served to intensify and conceal exploitation.” (64)
Federici’s most in-depth examination of the nexus between women and the rise of capitalism comes in chapter four, which she devotes to the European witch hunts. For Federici, the witch-hunt was a central event in the development of a capitalist society. It also formed the modern proletariat. The hunt served as a campaign of terror that divided women and men, by constructing a new patriarchal order that placed women’s bodies, their labor, and their reproductive power under control of the state, effectively transforming them into economic resources. The witch hunts were not about punishing specific transgressions, Federici claims, but rather they created a mechanism to intimidate women and eliminate non-conformist female behavior.
Thus, the persecution of witches was a form of class warfare. Take, for example, the obsession among witch hunters that witches committed acts of infanticide or harmed fertility. During an era of population decline, witches were thus targeting the economic stability and wealth of the nation. Federici contends that the witch hunt served the needs of European elites by eliminating a perceived threat to their political and economic power.
On the whole, Caliban and the Witch is a fascinating and important book. It demonstrates historically the author’s contention about the link between the devaluation of women and the expropriation of labor. In this way, moral and physical violence against women is shown to constitute not a separate and distinct problem, but an organic part of the progress of capital. In doing so, Federici links the feminist struggle to the struggle against capital––an intersection that is in many respects controversial on the left. She does so, in essence, by demonstrating that primitive accumulation, the process inherent to the rise of capitalism, was carried out in a way that intimately involved the role of women in society. In other words, the expropriation of female power and the expropriation of the independent means of subsistence that enabled the peasant class to resist proletarianization went hand in hand.
Most strikingly, the author demonstrates this through an analysis of the witch trials, a reading which cuts deeply in several directions. On the one hand, Federici shows that far from being an expression of the last gasps of medieval superstition, the witch hunts were very much a modern event which served to pave the way for the rationalization of life that was then underway and on which capital depended. On the other hand, she uses this discussion to successfully attack the French historian and social theorist Michel Foucault, whose History of Sexuality opposed the so-called “repression” thesis which held that after the decline of the Renaissance until the 20th century, sexuality and sexual expression were silenced and that the flowering of discourse on this subject in the 20th century represents a form of liberation. Foucault argued that, on the contrary, this period was characterized too by a flowering of discourse; the modern era was not so much concerned with silencing sexuality as “making it speak” in new ways in the service of now ways of exercising and diffusing power relations. Federici points out that this thesis is plausible only to the extent that we ignore the witch trials; these persecutions were very much a matter of sexual, economic, and political repression.
There are some features of this book which ought to be further elaborated. Given that the force of Federici’s argument rests on the relation between the oppression of women and primitive accumulation, it would be interesting to hear Federici’s response to writers like Rosa Luxemburg, who argued––contra Marx––that primitive accumulation is not a historically isolable event, but the very foundation of all capitalist development. Federici addresses this to some degree in the final chapter, where she discusses the rise of witch-hunts in Africa and India and suggests that these signal a new cycle in the process of expropriation. However, she does not go nearly far enough in this direction.
It would also be interesting to consider the ramifications of Federici’s analysis for the United States. What, for example, can we make of the periodic satanism hysterias that still crop up from time to time here? What do we make of the manner in which magical practices constitute, among certain rural white populations (e.g. snake handling), an important element of religious experience? What about “speaking in tongues” and “faith healing?” What about “new age” and alternative medicines? Are all of these now benign sideshows in a world dominated by capitalist rationalization, or something else? From one perspective, they appear regressive and seem to stand in for real, concrete, resistance to the system. Yet, Federici seems to indicate that magical practices have historically constituted a meaningful site of resistance. Does this remain true today? If so, how?
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Hayyim Rothman has a PhD in Philosophy from Boston College and recently received a Fulbright postdoctoral research fellowship to work at Bar Ilan University in Israel.
There are some features of this book which ought to be further elaborated. Given that the force of Federici’s argument rests on the relation between the oppression of women and primitive accumulation, it would be interesting to hear Federici’s response to writers like Rosa Luxemburg, who argued––contra Marx––that primitive accumulation is not a historically isolable event, but the very foundation of all capitalist development. Federici addresses this to some degree in the final chapter, where she discusses the rise of witch-hunts in Africa and India and suggests that these signal a new cycle in the process of expropriation. However, she does not go nearly far enough in this direction.
Additionally, "Caliban and the Witch" explores the intersections of capitalism, racism, and colonization. Federici emphasizes the ways in which marginalized groups, such as indigenous peoples and slaves, were also targeted during the witch hunts. She argues that the persecution of these groups was connected to the broader project of capitalist expansion and the need to establish hierarchies of power. Overall, "Caliban and the Witch" offers a powerful analysis of the witch hunts and their relationship to capitalism. Federici's work challenges conventional narratives of history and brings attention to the often-overlooked experiences of women during this period. The book's assertion that resistance and liberation are possible even in the face of oppression resonates beyond its historical context, making it a significant contribution to feminist and anti-capitalist scholarship..
Reviews for "Federici's 'Caliban and the Witch': Unveiling the Veiled History of Witch Hunts"
1. John - 2 stars - I had high hopes for "Federici: Caliban and the Witch" as I had heard a lot of praise for it, but I was left disappointed. The author's arguments were convoluted and lacked a clear direction. I struggled to connect with Federici's writing style as it felt dense and overly theoretical. The book also seemed to be more of a history lesson rather than a compelling analysis. Overall, it failed to live up to my expectations and left me wanting more.
2. Sarah - 3 stars - While "Federici: Caliban and the Witch" touched upon important topics regarding capitalism, gender, and the role of women in society, I found the book to be overly repetitive and filled with unnecessary details. The author seemed to be reiterating the same points and examples multiple times, which made the reading experience tedious. Additionally, I expected a more holistic examination of the subjects at hand, but found that the focus was too narrow and lacked depth. Although it had some thought-provoking moments, I felt that the book could have been more concise and better structured to convey its message effectively.
3. Michael - 2 stars - I found "Federici: Caliban and the Witch" to be intellectually unstimulating and lacking in solid evidence. The author heavily relied on anecdotal accounts and subjective interpretations, which made it difficult for me to be convinced by her arguments. The book's exploration of capitalism and patriarchy felt incomplete, with little exploration of alternative perspectives or counterarguments. The writing style was also dry and lacked any engaging storytelling elements, making it a real struggle to get through. Overall, I was left unimpressed and unsatisfied with this book.