Magic is a concept that has intrigued humans for centuries. It has been the subject of countless myths, legends, and stories, and has both fascinated and bewildered people throughout history. But is there any truth to the idea of magic? Can it be explained scientifically? The scientific study of magic is known as parapsychology, and it seeks to understand supernatural phenomena such as telepathy, clairvoyance, and psychokinesis. While traditional science has been skeptical of such claims, parapsychologists argue that there is evidence to support the existence of these abilities. One area of research in parapsychology is psychokinesis, which is the ability to move objects with the power of the mind. While this may seem like something out of a fantasy novel, there have been documented cases of individuals who claim to possess this ability.
The past few years have seen a resurgence of interest in the scientific study of magic. Despite being only a few years old, this “new wave” has already resulted in a host of interesting studies, often using methods that are both powerful and original. These developments have largely borne out our earlier hopes (Kuhn et al., 2008) that new opportunities were available for scientific studies based on the use of magic. And it would seem that much more can still be done along these lines.
The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest. A science can be viewed as a systematic method of investigation involving three sets of issues i the entities considered relevant, ii the kinds of questions that can be asked about them, and iii the kinds of answers that are legitimate Kuhn, 1970.
While this may seem like something out of a fantasy novel, there have been documented cases of individuals who claim to possess this ability. One famous example is the Israeli psychic Uri Geller, who became well-known in the 1970s for his performances in which he bent spoons and other metal objects seemingly with the power of his mind. While skeptics argue that Geller's tricks can be explained through sleight of hand or other methods, parapsychologists suggest that there may be a genuine supernatural component at play.
The possibility of a science of magic
The past few years have seen a resurgence of interest in the scientific study of magic. Despite being only a few years old, this “new wave” has already resulted in a host of interesting studies, often using methods that are both powerful and original. These developments have largely borne out our earlier hopes (Kuhn et al., 2008) that new opportunities were available for scientific studies based on the use of magic. And it would seem that much more can still be done along these lines.
But in addition to this, we also suggested that it might be time to consider developing an outright science of magic—a distinct area of study concerned with the experience of wonder that results from encountering an apparently impossible event 1 . To this end, we proposed a framework as to how this might be achieved (Rensink and Kuhn, 2015). A science can be viewed as a systematic method of investigation involving three sets of issues: (i) the entities considered relevant, (ii) the kinds of questions that can be asked about them, and (iii) the kinds of answers that are legitimate (Kuhn, 1970). In the case of magic, we suggested that this could be done at three different levels, each focusing on a distinct set of issues concerned with the nature of magic itself: (i) the nature of magical experience, (ii) how individual magic tricks create this experience, and (iii) organizing knowledge of the set of known tricks in a more comprehensive way (Rensink and Kuhn, 2015). Our framework also included a base level focused on how the methods of magic could be used as tools to investigate issues in existing fields of study.
Lamont (2010) and Lamont et al. (2010) raised a number of concerns about the possibility of such a science, which we have addressed (Rensink and Kuhn, 2015). More recently, Lamont (2015) raised a new objection, arguing that although base-level work (i.e., applications of magic methods) might be useful, there is too little structure in magic tricks for them to be studied in a systematic way at the other levels, ruling out a science of magic. We argue here, however, that although this concern raises some interesting challenges for this science, it does not negate the possibility that it could exist, and could contribute to the study of the mind.
Many different kinds of magic tricks clearly exist, and Lamont (2015) provides some nice examples of these. But a science of magic centers primarily around experiential effects, not tricks (Rensink and Kuhn, 2015). The first level of our framework above the base, for instance, focuses on aspects of experience that are largely unique to magic. One such set of issues concerns the possibility of different types—and levels—of wonder; an example is the work of Griffiths (2015) on the degree of interest evoked by various magical transformations. Issues also arise around people's impression of a magical “stuff” which acts as a causal agent, and the extent to which our perceptions and beliefs can deviate from objective reality. In all of this, the details of how the experiences are evoked are irrelevant. Said another way: at this level, the scientific study of magic is not concerned with the nature of magic tricks themselves, but with the magical aspects of experience created by these tricks. And these aspects appear quite amenable to study.
Magic tricks are of course important, and are the focus of the next level. Here, the emphasis is on how the effects evoked in each trick (including the sense of wonder) are created. A complete trick is a complex entity, with a method that typically has multiple components. For example, a magician may use patter to set up high-level expectations, and then misdirect perception to ensure that the observer does not notice the “main” manipulations. Explorations have already begun of several such components—e.g., the manipulations underlying the French Drop (Phillips et al., 2015), the timing used in simple coin vanishes (Beth and Ekroll, 2014), the social cues in the Vanishing Ball Illusion (Kuhn and Land, 2006), and the timing needed for a Riffle Force (Olson et al., 2015). Ideally, such studies will become more powerful, knitting together our knowledge of individual components, and allowing us to understand each magic trick in its entirety.
Lamont (2015) considers magic tricks as lacking sufficient structure for this to happen. There appear to be two reasons for this concern. The first is sheer variety—the fact that the number of items under consideration appears “endless.” However, such variety does not of itself prevent a scientific approach to a topic. In the case of language, for instance, the number of possible sentences has exactly this “endless” character. But they can still be analyzed using approaches such as phrase-structure grammar 2 (Chomsky, 1957) and psycho-linguistic experimentation (see O'Brien et al., 2015). In such approaches, appropriate selection of more basic elements (and their rules of combination) can let us understand aspects of a potentially infinite set of items. Methods in magic appear amenable to this, being composed of distinct components. Lamont (2015) provides a nice discussion of what some of these might be. Note that there is no problem if a component is used for different purposes in different tricks—if its analysis is based on functional considerations (as we have suggested), there will be no ambiguity in its role.
Another source of variety mentioned is a lack of clear boundaries. In this view, a trick carried out in a slightly different way is a different entity; given the nearly infinite number of small differences possible in methods (e.g., exact timing) and effects (e.g., exactly where a card appears), this results in a potentially infinite number of tricks. But this challenge has been faced—and met—in many other sciences. For example, each individual animal is different (and even changes over time). But this does not impede biology—this matter can be handled by the careful use of abstraction, with animals collected into groups of largely similar character. This approach could be readily applied to magic tricks, considering as equivalent those with little or no differences in how they are experienced—e.g., tricks in which the forcing techniques have slightly different timings, but which are equally effective.
A more interesting factor—one obliquely referred to in Lamont (2015)—is what might be called contingency: different methods can often achieve the same effect, and no reasons may exist as to why one method should be chosen over another. However, this might be handled by grouping together those tricks with similar effects, and focusing on the aspects common to the group. Another approach would be to define a particular trick as using a particular method; the issue would then reduce to one of explaining its use in a given performance. The choice made could depend on a large number of factors, such as the tricks used in the rest of the performance, or how the magician is feeling at that moment. Such contingency reflects the artistic nature of a magic performance, but does not rule out the possibility of scientific study. Given that humans respond in roughly similar ways to a given stimulus, there are stable regularities in what results once a particular method and context have been selected. (If this did not occur, magic could never have become a popular form of entertainment.) And such regularities can be studied in a systematic way 3 .
Regarding possibilities at the highest level of our framework (systematization), Lamont (2015) claims that the lack of structure in tricks also prevents their classification in a principled way. Note, however, that systematic analysis is just one level of our framework: even if this were somehow entirely impossible, the other levels would remain. And contrary to Lamont's assertion, we have never claimed that a science of magic requires a complete inventory or classification. Although, a complete inventory or classification is a laudable goal, it is not a necessary one: such systems can often be valuable even when incomplete—e.g., predicting new entities and new relationships.
But even assuming that magic tricks have little structure, would this necessarily prevent their systematic classification? Various taxonomies for magic tricks clearly exist (see e.g., Lamont and Wiseman, 1999); as such, the issue is not whether a taxonomy is possible, but how principled its organization can be. Many such systems rely on “natural kinds”—well-defined categorical entities such as chemical elements or groups of related animals (e.g., species and genera). But although natural kinds can facilitate classification, they are not necessary for this. It is entirely possible, for example, to relate in a systematic way designs described by continuous parameters, even when these parameters interact with each other in complex ways (see Woodbury, 2010).
As to how a principled classification might be created for magic tricks: this is a complex issue, involving a great amount of empirical detail. This paper (and our two earlier ones) are in some ways preliminary exercises in the philosophy of magic 4 , concerned with issues of a more general nature. But as an example of how such a venture might proceed, we have elsewhere proposed a way to classify methods of misdirection (Kuhn et al., 2014). This is based on two principles: (i) rely on psychological mechanisms as much as possible, and (ii) have the highest levels of the taxonomy center around the mechanisms affected, and not the mechanisms that control these. (For details, see Kuhn et al., 2014.) These principles greatly reduce the number of arbitrary decisions that typically enter into a classification of magic tricks (see Lamont, 2015); as such, we believe the result to be a fairly natural one. Other classifications are of course possible. For instance, some classifications may be better than ours for particular purposes, such as the teaching of prospective magicians. And even in established sciences such as biology, proposed taxonomies can vary—e.g., have more distinctions in taxonomic categories to capture more variability, or fewer distinctions to create a simpler organization (see e.g., Corliss, 1976). Finding the “sweet spot” in all of this will take time. But if history is any guide, it can be done. Our proposal—or one like it—therefore appears to have some potential to help researchers use magic to better understand perception, memory, and reasoning. And it could equally well enable knowledge of perception, memory, and reasoning to help better understand magic.
Are there factors we have not considered, factors that might influence the development of a science of magic? Undoubtedly. Will any of these ultimately prevent its development? Only time will tell. But there are grounds for optimism. For example, important advances have recently been made toward a science of film and a science of music, involving new issues that touch upon much more than just basic aspects of perception and cognition (e.g., Levitin, 2007; Ball, 2010; Shimamura, 2013; Smith, 2014). Given the nature of their subject matter, these areas are vulnerable to many of the same concerns as have been raised about a science of magic; nevertheless, the scientific development of these areas is proceeding. And if there are worries that no such attempts have ever succeeded, consider the case of steam engines. During the first century of their existence, an enormous number of these were created, with a great deal of variety and contingency in their design. And eventually, work began on a scientific framework to investigate the principles involved (see McClellan and Dorn, 2006). The resulting science—thermodynamics—has become one of the mainstays of modern physics, not only providing considerable insight into what such engines can and cannot do, but also helping us understand other processes of nature, from the metabolism of cells to the energy production of stars. Even if there is only a small chance that such a development could be possible for magic, it would appear to be a chance well worth taking.
Another area of study in parapsychology is telepathy, which is the ability to communicate from mind to mind without the use of conventional methods such as speech or writing. While many people claim to have experienced telepathic communication, there is little scientific evidence to support its existence. However, parapsychologists argue that this is due to the difficulty of studying such phenomena in a controlled laboratory setting. They argue that telepathy may be a real phenomenon that is not yet understood by conventional science. Clairvoyance is another supernatural ability that has been studied by parapsychologists. This is the ability to perceive hidden or distant objects or events through extrasensory perception. Again, while many people claim to have experienced clairvoyant visions, there is limited scientific evidence to support these claims. However, parapsychologists argue that this does not mean that clairvoyance is not real – it simply means that it has not yet been properly studied or understood by science. In conclusion, the scientific study of magic, or parapsychology, seeks to understand supernatural abilities such as psychokinesis, telepathy, and clairvoyance. While conventional science remains skeptical of these claims, parapsychologists argue that there is evidence to support the existence of these abilities. However, more research is needed in order to fully understand and explain these phenomena..
Reviews for "The Evolutionary Psychology Behind Magic: Why Humans Love to Be Fooled"
1. John - 2/5 stars - As someone who enjoys science and magic separately, I was hoping "The Science of Magic" would provide an interesting fusion of the two. However, I found the book to be lacking in scientific explanations and instead focused more on the history and tricks of magic. The author barely scratched the surface when it came to explaining the scientific principles behind these tricks, leaving me feeling disappointed and unsatisfied. Overall, I wouldn't recommend this book to those seeking a deeper understanding of the science behind magic.
2. Sarah - 3/5 stars - While "The Science of Magic" had an intriguing premise, I ultimately felt let down by its execution. The book promised to uncover the scientific secrets behind magic tricks, but it fell short in delivering substantial explanations. The author mostly referenced scientific concepts in passing and failed to provide in-depth analyses. Additionally, the writing style was dry and lacked enthusiasm, making it difficult to stay engaged. I think this book had potential, but it didn't live up to my expectations.
3. Ethan - 2/5 stars - I was hoping that "The Science of Magic" would provide a balanced exploration of both the scientific and the magical aspects of this art form. However, I found the book to be heavily biased towards the magical aspect, with little emphasis on the science. The author seemed more interested in the history and tricks of magic, leaving out scientific explanations that could have added depth to the subject. Overall, I felt the book missed an opportunity to truly delve into the fascinating intersection of science and magic.
4. Olivia - 2/5 stars - "The Science of Magic" failed to deliver on its promise of providing a comprehensive understanding of the science behind magic. While the book touched on some scientific principles, it lacked depth and detailed explanations. The author seemed more interested in showcasing different magic tricks rather than exploring the underlying scientific principles at work. I was disappointed by the overall lack of scientific rigor in this book and would not recommend it to anyone seeking a thorough exploration of the subject.